Suthiphand Chirathivat: China–ASEAN Blue Economy Should Prioritize Value Creation, Inclusiveness and Sustainability
Editor's note: The China (Hainan)–ASEAN 2026 Think Tank Forum was held in Haikou in September 2026. Chinese and international guests engaged in in-depth exchanges under the theme "Institutional Opening Up and New Quality Productive Forces: Forging New Drivers for China–ASEAN Blue Economy Cooperation". With the authorization of the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, we have compiled and edited the remarks delivered by ASEAN guests at the forum and jointly present their insightful views on cooperation between China and ASEAN in such areas as the blue economy, port and shipping, energy transition and maritime public goods.
Suthiphand Chirathivat, Chairman of the Board, Central Group; Professor Emeritus of Economics at Chulalongkorn University; Founding Executive Director of ASEAN Studies Center. He previously held a position as Advisor to the Prime Minister of Thailand, Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Commerce, and Ministry of Transport and Communications.
Reading the Broader Trends and Charting the Evolution of Bilateral Economic and Trade Ties
Five years since China and ASEAN established their Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the relationship has achieved notable progress. I have followed the development of China–ASEAN bilateral relations closely and have encouraged my students to do the same. Looking back, the two sides began cooperating as early as 1976 and established dialogue relations in the 1990s. Subsequent developments—including deepening global integration and China's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001—became important factors shaping the relationship. It was after this that the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area was established.
The agreements and practices of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area have emphasized "cooperation" rather than "competition", which I believe constitutes a vital foundation of the partnership and marks the true beginning of a new phase of China–ASEAN integration, one that has gradually grown into a more mature and deeply engaged relationship. From a trade perspective, the substantial growth in trade has been confined not only to finished goods but also covers raw materials and intermediate products. A regional production network and value chain is taking shape.
By 2026, the world had changed enormously, and China has become a major force in global production, trade, investment and R&D. The regional economic integration that China actively promotes has also deepened. Through mechanisms such as the Belt and Road Initiative and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), China and ASEAN have for years been each other's largest trading partners. At the same time, we should recognize that ASEAN faces a balancing challenge: we need to strengthen the regional supply chain and play our part in regional connectivity, while continuing to deepen economic cooperation with China and addressing structural imbalances.
Integrating Resources and Broadening Two-Way, Interconnected Channels of Cooperation
How, then, should Hainan forge closer ties with ASEAN? In my view, Hainan first possesses distinctive strengths: it is geographically closer to ASEAN and conveniently accessible for the movement of people. We need to think further about how to leverage this advantage to facilitate cooperation and enable Hainan to play a more efficient and valuable role in driving China–ASEAN economic development.
Second, Hainan should clarify its economic significance to ASEAN. Hainan enjoys high-quality resources and institutional openness—including free trade policies, convenient access to the mainland Chinese market, and the development potential of the maritime economy. Chinese leaders have attached great importance to Hainan's development and have visited it on multiple occasions for inspection and research. With the formal launch of island-wide special customs operations at the Hainan Free Trade Port and the implementation of policies such as zero tariffs, we should fully seize the opportunities these favorable policies present and integrate into Hainan's new economic landscape. By organically combining ASEAN's resources with Hainan's, the two sides can achieve synergistic economic development.
Third, Hainan's pivotal role as a free trade gateway to ASEAN is worthy of emulation by ASEAN countries. As we know, Hainan, in coordination with the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao Greater Bay Area and other parts of mainland China, forms an efficient logistics network. It is worth noting that the Pinglu Canal, which opened to full navigation on September 16 this year, has injected fresh momentum into such logistics networks. I am confident these initiatives will have a positive impact on trade. ASEAN should combine its strengths with Hainan's policy advantages, strengthen the building of logistics hubs, and further connect with the Chinese market.
Furthermore, service cooperation between the two sides can extend beyond trade in goods to tourism and energy, enabling broader and more diversified cooperation in finance, digital services, healthcare, wellness, education and professional services—thereby moving toward deeper economic integration.
Meeting Challenges and Jointly Building a Regional Value Creation Platform
On the blue economy, I believe Hainan and ASEAN enjoy significant advantages in this field, and it is an area of strength in their practical cooperation. Due consideration should be given to building a China–ASEAN blue economy value chain, rather than viewing individual industries in isolation. This will also help Hainan evolve from a mere free trade port into a gateway with global influence. At the same time, Hainan can develop into a regional value creation platform, cooperating with ASEAN countries in maritime services, logistics and other areas. Moreover, the two sides can jointly develop technologies, achieving technology sharing and innovation—including AI-based monitoring technologies—to improve marine resource management, reduce disaster risks, and contribute to sustainable development. We should strengthen our complementarities, learn from each other, and link our capabilities to create value together.
Alongside these opportunities, of course, come challenges. The first is how to pursue differentiated development. China and ASEAN are both partners and competitors in areas such as tourism and logistics. For Hainan specifically, careful consideration must be given to the complementary role it should play in these fields, rather than replicating advantages that ASEAN countries already possess.
The second challenge is how to jointly move up the high-end value chain. ASEAN countries do not wish to remain confined to low value-added areas; rather, they hope to achieve higher-level development through cooperation with the Hainan Free Trade Port. We must therefore consider how China and ASEAN countries can jointly advance the development of high value-added industries, including brand building, technology R&D and financial services. We need to rethink matters: we should consider not only where products are produced, but also where value is created and how that value is shared.
The third challenge is how to maintain sustainability. The China–ASEAN blue economy should place value creation, inclusiveness and sustainability at its core. Our goal must not be merely to maximize short-term economic gains; rather, it should be to maximize long-term economic and social value while ensuring the sustainable use of resources. This is what a true blue economy entails—an economic development model that focuses on protecting and sustaining natural capital, allowing the ocean to continue creating value over time.
I am confident that China and ASEAN can build a closer, more resilient and sustainable cooperative relationship through the Hainan Free Trade Port, advance the blue economy, strengthen people-to-people exchanges, and provide a key driver for regional integration. I look forward to both sides contributing more wisdom and engaging in more productive dialogue.
* This article is jointly published with the authorization of the National Institute for South China Sea Studies.
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